Friday, November 29, 2013

巴剎马来话的款款风情(Pasar Melayu)

跟外地朋友提起新加坡的湿巴刹、干巴刹、老巴刹等,看到的是一双双圆滚滚的大眼睛,才猛然想起“巴刹”是新马常用的“江湖术语”,已经习惯性地混合在日常语言中,但对非新马的朋友而言,只有融入地道语言中才能够品尝道地的多元文化炮制出来的语言风味。

巴刹原为马来语(Pasar),新马华人跟马来人共处多年,发展出彼此沟通的巴刹马来话(Pasar Melayu),是马来语与闽南语的合体,久而久之成为通俗的南洋语言。语言大结体,你浓我浓,甚至分不清你我了。巴刹马来话所反映的,也是一个不同种族人民共处的年代,先民离乡背井来到新马,狭缝中求存的勇气。


(19世纪的直落亚逸巴刹(Telok Ayer Market)雕刻版,可以看到扎着辫子的华人,阿拉伯人和马来人(可能是武夷士人)等。NAS 19th century)

如果真要追源,Pasar也可能不是地道的马来文,源头可能来自阿拉伯的Bazzar,意指市集或市场,阿拉伯人来到南洋商贸,家乡的Bazzar便成了马来话里的“巴刹”(Pasar)

新加坡的湿巴刹顾名思义,可真的是湿漉漉的,当年的湿巴刹是沿街摆卖的露天市场,直到1980年代才逐一搬入屋檐下。记得当时年纪小,几乎每个早晨都跟着祖母走露天巴刹,在街头跟鱼摊大婶闲话家常,然后走到街尾跟街坊嘘寒问暖,好像久未谋面一样。湿巴刹是爱的学堂,在潜移默化中教育市井小民如何面对生活,建立起人与人之间的关系,给人间互补一些温馨。


(1970年代的Queen Street露天巴刹。NAS c1970s)

(在牛车水露天巴刹卖鼈肉,俗称山瑞。NAS c.1970s)

殖民地时代的背景


民间讲马来话很多时候靠听,听多了就敢讲,华人口音讲马来话就像洋人讲华语一样,乡音是难以改变的,讲起来听起来模棱两可的成分很高。民间百姓记外文很多时候还要靠联想比方说早安就想到鸡啼扰人清梦:是你妈怕鸡(Selamat pagi);晚安就想到先吃一碗马兰拉面,暖胃好入眠:是你妈马兰(selamat malam);欢迎到来就想到好拍档:是你妈搭档(selamat dadang);再见就想到离别的心曲:是你妈听歌(Selamat tinggal);要谢谢对方:带你妈看戏(Terima kasih)。

民间也通过巴刹马来话创作了好些地道文化的福建歌谣,比如《安津大狗兄》,它的特色是前半句是马来话,后半句是福建话,配搭起来就呈现出市井小民生活化的一面:
安津尾沙大狗兄,西页遮鸽说你听。 面搭索拉一张字,马梭茹沙要做戏。
安津尾沙:Anjing besar,大狗兄(警察) 西页遮鸽:Saya cakap,我说 面搭索拉:Minta surat,申请准证 马梭茹沙:Besok lusa,明天后天
以今天的白话来说,这首歌谣的意思就是“警察大哥,我要告诉你,我要申请一张准证,明天后天演街戏”,不过讲白了就失去那个语言混淆的年代的原汁原味了。

歌谣背后还有许多值得探索的殖民地时代的背景。警察局是颁发准证,给华人演街戏的地方,当时的警监是英国人,警察则多数是马来人。由于华人组织有族群帮派私会党等,殖民地政府觉得华人非常棘手,不相信华人,所以通过马来警察来管理华人。福建与潮州人以“大狗”来称呼警长,华人以狗来称呼人,比如猪狗不如、你这条疯狗等,本来充满贬义,但随着时间的演变,大狗竟然成为对警察的尊称,不免叫人丈二金刚摸不着脑。


(芽笼警署Geylang Police Station. NAS c.1890s)

至于节日筹神演街戏是百余年来的传统,先民离乡背井,从帆船年代就已经越洋而来,海上风大浪大,能够安全抵境,还能够安居乐业,当然得答谢神恩,演街戏还神,同时娱乐乡民了。

富有地方风味的巴刹歌谣


李永球的《巴剎歌谣——唐山阿伯与大狗警官》一文中也举了数个富有地方风味的例子。比如《开田过港爬山岭》这首曾经在新马流行一时的福建歌曲中,其中一段歌词是这样唱的:
Anjing besar大狗兄,potong kayu破柴仔。 Bikin rumah搭厝仔,balik rumah咚咚锵。 Anjing besar和大狗:警察 Potong kayu和破柴仔:砍伐树木 Bikin rumah和搭厝仔:搭建房子 Balik rumah:回家 咚咚锵:敲锣打鼓的声音,表示演街戏
《开田过港爬山岭》还有另一个版本:
Anjing besar大狗兄,potong kayu斩柴仔。 Minta一张surat字,加两日要隆咚哐。 Minta surat: 申请准证 字:准证 加两日:两天后 隆咚哐:敲锣打鼓的声音,比喻演街戏
这些歌谣讲述一位华民,通过巴剎马来话来向警方申请准证,搭建临时戏台,以便在两天后表演街戏。

李永球也介绍了19世纪末20世纪初在马来亚盛行的“竹枝词”,其中有一些巴剎马来话写成的诗句,收录在张煜南编辑的《海国公余辑录》(1898)里,其中两首年诗是这样写的:

《童念祖槟城元日诗》:
爆竹声喧竞贺春,番人注目看唐人。 碹星戒指金腰袋,洞葛巢幖簇簇新。 洞葛:Tongkat,拐杖 巢幖:Topi,高帽
这首诗的意思是新年到了,蕃人(洋人、马来人、印度人)注视着华人,钻石戒指黄金腰包,连拐杖帽子都是全新的。

《元宵诗》:
拾将石子暗投江,嫁好尬来万事降。 水幔沙郎朱木屐,元宵踏月唱蛮腔。 好尬:好丈夫,尪就是丈夫(被误写为尬)。 水幔:通常指毛巾,也指纱笼 沙郎:Sarong,纱笼
 这首诗的意思是拾起石子投入江中,希望能够嫁个好老公,元宵夜跟丈夫穿着纱笼踩着木屐,一边赏月一边唱歌。少女的思春情怀是不是很南洋式啊?

不讲国语的国家


1950年代,新加坡还是英国殖民地而不是一个国家,何谓国语是很模糊的。看看1957年12月25日《南洋商报》报道市长王永元就职的新闻就很明了,文中所说的国语其实是华语:

1957年12月25日的《南洋商报》报道:
王市长于宣誓就职后,分别以国语、巫语和英语,作就任首任市长第一次演讲。
……各政党市议员也多数以国语先后发表两分钟演说,向市长致贺
……王邦文先以巫语发言,提名王永元上任,接着再用国语说:“主席,我现在代表人民行动党正式推选王永元市委为新加坡首任市长。”
……陈翠嫦起立用国语说:“主席,我附议。”

1959年新加坡自治,从印尼来到新加坡搞乐团,甚至为此而不惜与老爸闹翻的朱比赛(Zubir Said)为新加坡写下了Majulah Singapura(前进吧,新加坡)这首邦歌,1965年新加坡独立后定马来语为国语,Majulah Singapura顺理成章的成为国歌。这六年间新加坡还经历了跟马来亚合并为马来西亚,过后在不到两年内被请出局的“新马合并”。

早在1959年,新加坡政府已经酝酿新马合并的前奏,鼓励新加坡人学马来文,在民间掀起了一阵热潮。当时我的父亲除了在夜间到印刷工会上夜课外,印刷厂那一位马来排版员也负起教导巴刹马来话的义务。今后跟马来朋友沟通或到邻国去,只要身旁有一老,有问题都变成没问题了。

那个时候,曹禺的《雷雨》还以马来语演出;本土画家蔡名智的《国语课》(1959)也很传神地记载了那段大家放工后留在赤道艺术研究会(芽笼)学习马来语的岁月。画中左边的马来老师据说是在会所寄宿的印尼人,右边戴眼镜的女士是画家的妻子。


(曹禺的《雷雨》以马来语演出,1962)

(蔡名智:《国语课》,1959。画中左边的马来语老师据说是在赤道艺术研究会寄宿的印尼人,右边戴眼镜的女士是画家的妻子。)

我在小学时还一个星期一小时,算是学了两年马来语,后来马来文被边缘化,不需要学也不需要讲了。当时真正学马来语还是靠老爸那本用粤语学马来话的袖珍型马来语字典,说是马来语字典,但整本字典找不到半个马来字,因为都中文化了。比如:一:殺毒,二:毒牙,三:地价,四:暗北,五:你妈,正确的马来文应该是satudua tiga empat lima我那几句半咸半淡的粤式巴刹马来话就是这样学来的,虽然只能在巴刹沟通,但已足以跟异族同胞打破簸篱,“马英马英”一下(ma'in ma'in,play play,敷衍两句的意思)


(我四十年前学巴刹马来语那本粤语注音小字典已经失踪了,但这本1956年出版的《马来语一月通》,写明“中英巫拼音”,大家可以想象一下如何拼音)

记得小学时同学们学英语发音也是依法炮制,father是发得,museum是母生等,一页短短的英文课本写上密密麻麻的中文注音,例如:书上写着“I went to museum with my grandfather over the weekend”,意思是“上个周末我跟着爷爷去博物馆”。照着中文注音读出来就成了“I to母生with my 割让father over the 慰安”。

当时六年的小学生涯只有小五的英文老师坚持全程用英语教学,其他都用潮州话,偶尔用华语来教英文,这种以母语来教英文的方式是当年传统华文小学的常态。现在风水轮流转,是否该用英语来教华文一度成为热门的话题,激荡一阵子后却不了了之。

今天好些本地的马来家庭也面对着类似华人母语的困境,新一代的马来文不是半桶水就是一须古(Satu suku,四分之一)。大家唱着同一首国歌,但对其意则不甚了了,也算是另一类新加坡风情。

相关链接
四海寻梦 Clan Association
匈牙利鬼开斋
二十世纪新加坡电影与传统戏剧 (三之二)
新加坡梦
芳林轶事

Tuesday, November 26, 2013

缅甸英雄:翁山淑枝25年前的演说Speech to a Mass Rally at the Shwedagon Pagoda (二之二)

25年前的演说是人生的转捩点

1988年是翁山淑枝人生的转捩点。1988826日,翁山淑枝第一次在仰光面对百万群众发表演说。演讲前夕,政府散播有关要刺杀她的谣言,但她处变不惊,在集会上穿着一身雪白的长裙,慷慨激昂地说道“缅甸正在发生的民族危机完全可以看作是缅甸正在争取第二次独立。作为我父亲的女儿,我不能将这一切视若无睹。” 言词间充分显示巾帼不让须眉的气概,令在场的民众想起了她的父亲缅甸独立之父翁山将军。对站在一旁的丈夫迈克尔而言,他知道他的妻子已经全心全意投入缅甸的民主运动,他即将失去他的妻子。

1988826日,翁山淑枝第一次在仰光面对百万群众发表演说。

翁山淑枝并不喜欢政治,她更想读书写作,但从那一刻起,翁山淑枝不再是一名旁观者。 “我参加了,就不能半途而废。”从此,翁山淑枝这个外表柔弱、身材单薄的女子,因为深深觉得自己的根必须扎在缅甸的土地上,她把焦点集中在延伸父亲和祖国的历史,成了军政府最头疼的人物。


民主与独裁



翁山淑枝是民主的斗士,民主的反面是独裁,最近在导览中跟来自香港姓冯的一家子较深入地切入此话题。冯氏兄弟认为香港选港督,梁振英上台是由八百人代表全香港把他捧上去,根本没有民主可言,新加坡的体系则健全得多。我们把视野放宽,以东南亚为例,菲律宾是一个民主政权的国家,但是民主化之后问题悬而未决,执政者的短视、在野党不合作、人民跟不上政治的步伐或者走在太前端等,都加剧社会的压力。如果以选票来代表民主,中国绝对没有民主,但是中国共产党内有另一套投选领导人的机制,在这套机制下,习近平和李克强取代了胡锦涛和温家宝,他们是不是适当的人选?如果是由民间投选的话,会不会是前重庆市委薄熙来和他的夫人上台?孰优孰劣?

至于新加坡式的民主,有以一重量级人马来携带其他四人进入国会的集选区,有只赢得60%全国选票,却占据90%国会议席,组织政府的政党,邻国马来西亚也是类似的情形。因此,何谓民主?我们要争取的是什么模式的民主?

冯爸爸和冯妈妈的观点则比较直接,只要人民生活得好,安居乐业,独裁、中国式或是民主模式都没有分别。

不过,如前常任秘书严祟涛在《A Mandarin and the Making of Public Policy: Reflections by Ngiam Tong Dow》一书所说:
看看希腊历史里的两大城邦,斯巴达(Sparta)与雅典(Athens)。新加坡就像斯巴达……虽然制度的起点是用人唯贤(meritocracy),但结果却是独裁与精英主义。独裁者如果能干,那一切都好,不然,整个国家便会崩溃……

雅典则以思想活跃与多元闻名于世……在历史长河中,只有雅典存活下来,斯巴达很早已被淡忘。这个故事,对我们的言论管制有甚么启示?…… 要以尚武、社会管理井然有序与高效,但最终仅余历史碎片的斯巴达为榜样? 还是混乱、没有秩序、民众好辩、“不和谐”,但长留世人心中的雅典?

纵观世界案例,民主政体与独裁政治都无法免疫,但独裁制度的病症确定比民主政体严重得多。英国二战时期的首相丘吉尔说得好:“民主是最差的政府形式——除了所有其他不断地被试验过的政府形式之外。”

至于将人生的下半场奉献给缅甸议会民主的翁山淑枝在25年前对群众说了什么?我尝试将翁山淑枝的英文翻译版转译成中文。


翁山淑枝在1988826日的演说:中文版(李国樑翻译)



争取民主是众人的愿望



各位僧侣和人民,这个公众集会是要将我们人民的意愿传达给全世界。因此,在这个大规模的集会我们必须表现出我们是有纪律和团结的。我们的目的是要表明我们全体人民乐意接受多政党民主制度的政府机制。

是学生为我们铺平了举行今天这样的集会的道路。学生在近期的示威行动,将不可能化为可能;他们甚至做得更多,已经通过行动表明为了民主,他们愿意牺牲自己的生命。因此,我要求大家默哀一分钟,以表示我们最深刻的敬意。这些学生失去了他们的生命,让我们为他们的感人事迹默哀,在这一分钟的时间,请完全保持安静。

我相信所有聚集在这里的人都是没有一个例外的,是为了争取多党民主制度这个不可动摇的愿望。为了达到这个目标,所有的人都应该团结有序的向民主的目标前进。

为什么我要投身缅甸民主的斗争


在这方面,我想向大家解释我在这场运动中做过什么。因为有相当多的人不十分了解我的个人历史,这个解释是有必要的。不认识我的人都希望能够对我多一些了解,这是很自然的。

有些人说,我大部分时间都在国外,我和一个外国人结婚,我可能不熟悉缅甸这个国家的政治分歧。在今天这个集会上,我想非常坦率和公开的谈一谈。确实,我在国外生活;确实,我嫁给了一个外国人,但是这些事实从未干扰或减少我对我的国家的爱和奉献。

一些人一直在讨论的另一件事是,我对缅甸的政治一无所知。麻烦的是,我知道得太多。我的家人都知道缅甸的政治是多么复杂棘手,我的父亲不得不忍受这种常态,这是他在面对缅甸的政治上不得不花费很多精神和体力的原因,但他并不谋取私利,这就是为什么我的父亲说,一旦缅甸获得独立,他不希望继续参与这种强权政治。

既然我的父亲没有这样的意愿,我也一直想将自己跟这种强权政治保持距离,正因为如此,我一直远离政治。有些人可能会问,既然我希望远离政治,为什么现在却参与这项促进民主的进程。答案是,目前我们正在面对着整个国家必须关注的危机,缅甸正在发生的民族危机完全可以看作是缅甸正在争取第二次独立。作为我父亲的女儿,我不能将这一切视若无睹。

这场伟大的斗争来自人民强烈的、深切的期望,期待一个完全民主的议会制政府。

我想让你听听我父亲所说的民主: 

我们必须使民主成为人民的信约,我们必须按照这样的信约,建立一个自由的缅甸。如果我们不能做到这一点,我们的人民都必将受到影响。如果民主失败,整个世界只会在一旁袖手旁观,缅甸就会像日本和德国,受人鄙视。民主是唯一与自由一致的理想,这也是一个促进和平、强化和平的理想。因此,民主这个唯一的思想意识正是我们奋斗的目标。

军人与人民之间的裂痕


说到团结,我想说一件事。有些人可能不喜欢我说的话,但我相信我的职责是告诉人们我相信是真实的事。因此,我要说出我的想法,如果我的想法是你所认同的,请支持我;如果它们是不能接受的,我也无能为力,我只是在做我认为是正确的。我想说的是,在这个时候人民和军队之间有某种程度的纠纷,这裂痕可能会导使国家的未来岌岌可危目前缅甸的军队是由我的父亲创建和培育的,这是我的父亲建立起来的军队,这是事实,这些是我父亲亲手勾画出应该如何组织并建立军队的详细书面文件。那么,我的父亲对军队有什么目标呢让我读出其中一段:

军队是为了这个国家和人民建立的,这样一支部队必须是荣誉和受人尊重的。相反的,如果军队引人憎恨,那么建立这支军队的目标将是徒劳的。

让我坦率地说,我对军队感受强烈,充满依恋之情;军队不仅建立了我的父亲,作为一个孩子,我也受到士兵的照顾。与此同时,我也感受到人民对我的父亲的大爱和亲切,我很感激这份爱意和亲情。因此,我不希望看到我父亲和热爱我父亲的人民所建立的军队有任何的分裂和斗争,我也要求军人们以理解和同情来回报人民。我呼吁军队成为一支人们可以信任和依赖的部队,一支能够维护我们国家的荣耀和尊严的军队。

和平、团结、纪律


我们应该尝试忘记已经发生的事,我想呼吁人民不要失去自己对军队的感情,唯有团结前进,建立一个强大而持久的联盟,我们才能达到我们的目标。我们还没有实现这一个目标,我们不要被打乱。因此,让我们下定决心,团结一致,朝我们珍贵的目标前进。在这个过程中,请用和平的方式,如果一个人或一个国家能通过纪律与和平的方式来达到他们的目标,这将是一个最光荣、最令人钦佩的成就。

我要说的是,学生们已经在这项全国性的运动中走在最前端。学生是最有能力的,他们已经用自己的肉体来证明自己的勇气,我相信他们现在正在展示他们的道德和精神魄力。我呼吁学生们通过团结与决心继续向前迈进。目前我们有好些学生群体,我想呼吁这些学生团体成立一个统一的组织,大家走在一起。我知道他们很快就要召开一次会议来达到这个目的,如果这个场面出现,我祈求它是一个团结同学的凝聚力。

有些同学问我,有哪些政客站在我的身后,他们担心这些政客可能会操纵我,然后接管学生。我很高兴学生们如此开放,向我开诚布公。年轻人是坦率和不故弄玄虚的。我如实回答,我身后没有政客,我试图做的是贡献一份力量来实现民主制度。为了实现这个政治体系,有一些资深的政治家希望以各种方式来协助我。我已经告诉这些政客,如果他们的目的是为了获得政治权力和地位,我是不会以任何方式来支持他们的。我向出席这次大会的所有人保证,如果这些政客试图获得政治权力地位,我会毫不迟疑地谴责他们。

这一代人的鸿沟由这一代来填平


我也发觉到这一代人和年轻一代之间有一道鸿沟,这道鸿沟必须衔接起来。老一代和年轻一代都感觉到彼此间想要撇开对方,这是不应该发生的事情,无论是年轻人还是年老的一辈,大家都应该团结起来。

人民的力量与日俱增,这样不断壮大的实力必须受到纪律的约束,不受约束和不遵守正确的原则的力量绝对不会带来有效的成果,相反的,它可能会引起许多不良的局面。因此,请按照合法正确的原则来继续展示我们的实力。在这个时刻,人民的力量几乎达到高峰,我们更应该小心谨慎,不要欺压弱势群体,这是一种邪恶的做法,这将导致人们失去他们的尊严和荣誉。人们应该清楚而明确地展示自己具备原谅容忍的能力。

如果我们要探讨人民的愿望和他们在此时此刻真正的要求,答案就是多党民主制。我们要摆脱一党制。关于此事,总统貌貌博士说,他正在召开紧急党代表大会,以决定​​是否应该有一个全国公投。我不认为这次公投是有必要的,整个国家人民的愿望和诉求是非常清楚的。毫无疑问,每个人都想多党民主制度的政府。目前政府的职责是尽快带来这样的政治体系。

人民应该继续通过和平和纪律的方式来表达我们的诉求。我再次强调,我们还没有达到我们追崇的目标。请大家先想想应该做些什么来巩固一个联盟,请想想国家的未来,除非我们认为我们不可能通过循序渐进来实现国家的未来,为国家带来好处。我父亲说,我们的人民一定要遵守纪律,我们不可能不断重复这句话来提醒大家。


和平改革势在必行


我们不需要公投,我们需要的是一个多党制,尽快推行自由和公正的选举。人们已经对政府失去了他们的信心。如果需要成立一个临时政府来举行自由和公正的选举,那我们就应该建立这样一个先驱。其主要目的不是要目前的形式的政府,也不是一个临时政府或其他的新政府。我们要的是一个可以使缅甸强大、繁荣、团结的政府。请不要失去主要目标,也不要忘记国家未来的福泽,如果我们忽略这些,眼前的胜利将导致未来的失败。

我们目前处于什么阶段呢?我们所珍惜的目标显然已在视线之内,让我们一起实现这一个目标。我们不能有丝毫的的意见分歧,这是很重要的,学生之间绝对不应该出现意见分歧,大家应该克制。如果学生之间出现分歧,将会损害到国家未来的团结。

既然我谈到团结,我要说说缅甸作为一个国家应该如何团结起来。不同族群的缅甸人民也应该保持团结。当然,缅甸大多数人口仍然是缅甸族,他们必须不断努力,缔造一个友好的生活环境,并实现急切需要的国家种族群体之间的团结和友谊。

那些拥有强大力量的人民应当对较弱势的群体表现出克制和宽容。在这里,我想说说关于那些支持一党制的人。事实上许多缅甸社会主义纲领党员已经对这个政党失去了信念和信心,这些党员应该退党,交出他们的党证。

至于那些继续坚持缅甸社会主义纲领党的信念的人,他们不应该被调戏。民主是一种思想,让每个人根据他的信仰站起来,他们不应该受到威胁或濒临灭绝。每个人应该朝自己的目标向前迈进,不要因为你有更强大的力量而对那些实力较弱的人报复。

我们已远远超出了预定的时间,所以我一定要长话短说。我希望我们的集会能够保持团结与纪律,我们的力量应该使用在正确的地方。只有通过遵守这些要领,我们才能够找到我们的目标。

愿我们的人民团结和遵守纪律。愿我们的人民永远做出完全符合应有的原则的事。愿我们的人民免受伤害。

最后,我想重申我们强烈的诉求,们没有公投的想法,我们要的是解散一党制,建立一个多党制的政治体系,我们要尽快举行自由和公平的选举。这些都是我们的要求。

四分之一个世纪后

翁山淑枝的演说,如果以20个字来总结,就是“团结、纪律、和平、军人做军人该做的受人尊敬的事。”

在经过许多年的奋斗,付出了无数人的血泪牺牲后,今天的缅甸人民终于迎来了实现全面和解,走向民主自由的新希望。翁山淑枝,是缅甸第二次独立,永垂不朽的名字!


(2012年5月2日国会补选,翁山素枝获胜,在下议院宣誓就职。图片来源:路透社)

Speech to a Mass Rally at the Shwedagon Pagoda
26 August 1988
Aung San Suu Kyi

The following is the English translation prepared by the author of the speech she delivered in Burmese to a mass rally on the open ground west of the great Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon on 26 August 1988. Of the approximately one thousand public addresses she calculated she had given throughout the length and breadth of Burma between August 1988 and July 1989, this was the first and the only one for which she had prepared text to hand. Two days earlier she had made a brief appearance in front of the Rangoon General Hospital, the main focus of popular demonstra­tions at the time, in order to announce her intention to address the rally and to call for discipline and unity.

Reverend monks and people! This public rally is aimed at informing the whole world of the will of the people. Therefore at this mass rally the people should be disciplined and united to demonstrate the very fact that they are a people who can be disciplined and united. Our purpose is to show that the entire people entertain the keenest desire for a multi-party democratic system of government.

It is the students who have paved the way to the present situation where it is possible to hold such a rally. The occasion has been made possible because the recent demonstrations have been spearheaded by the students and even more because they have shown their willingness to sacrifice their lives. I therefore request you all to observe a minute's silence in order to show our deepest respect for those students who have lost their lives and, even more, in order to share the merit of their deeds among all of us. So while doing this please keep perfect silence for the duration of one minute.

I believe that all the people who have assembled here have without exception come with the unshakeable desire to strive for and win a multi-party democratic system. In order to arrive at this objective, all the people should march unitedly in a disciplined manner towards the goal of democracy.

In this connection I would like to explain the part I have played in this movement. This is needed because a fair number of people are not very well acquainted with my personal history. It is only natural and right that those who do not know me would like to know some facts.

A number of people are saying that since I have spent most of my time abroad and am married to a foreigner I could not be familiar with the ramifications of this country's politics. I wish to speak from this platform very frankly and openly to the people. It is true that I have lived abroad. It is also true that I am married to a foreigner. These facts have never interfered and will never interfere with or lessen my love and devotion for my country by any measure or degree.

Another thing which some people have been saying is that I know nothing of Burmese politics. The trouble is that I know too much. My family knows best how complicated and tricky Burmese politics can be and how much my father had to suffer on this account. He expended much mental and physical effort in the cause of Burma's politics without personal gain. That is why my father said that once Burma's independence was gained he would not want to take part in the kind of power politics that would follow.

Since my father had no such desire I too have always wanted to place myself at a distance from this kind of politics. Because of that I have kept away from politics. Some might then ask why, if I wished to stay out of politics, should I now be involved in this movement. The answer is that the present crisis is the concern of the entire nation. I could not as my father's daughter remain indifferent to all that was going on. This national crisis could in fact be called the second struggle for national independence.

This great struggle has arisen from the intense and deep desire of the people for a fully democratic parliamentary system of government. I would like to read to you something my father said about democracy.

We must make democracy the popular creed. We must try to build up a free Burma in accordance with such a creed. If we should fail to do this, our people are bound to suffer. If democracy should fail the world cannot stand back and just look on, and therefore Burma would one day, like Japan and Germany, be despised. Democracy is the only ideology which is consistent with freedom. It is also an ideology that promotes and strengthens peace. It is therefore the only ideology we should aim for.

That is what my father said. It is the reason why I am participating in this struggle for freedom and democracy in the footsteps and traditions of my father. To achieve democracy the people should be united. That is very clear. It is a very plain fact. If there is no unity of purpose we shall be unable to achieve anything at all. If the people are disunited, no ideology or form of government can bring much benefit to the country. This must be firmly fixed in the minds of the people. If there is no discipline, no system can succeed. Therefore our people should always be united and disciplined.

While I am talking about the need for unity I would like to say one thing. Some may not like what I am going to say. But I believe that my duty is to tell the people what I believe to be true. Therefore I shall speak my mind. If my words meet with your approval, please support me. If they are not acceptable, it cannot be helped. I am only doing what I believe to be right. What I wish to say is that at this time there is a certain amount of dissension between the people and the army. This rift can lead to future dangers. The present armed forces of Burma were created and nurtured by my father. It is not simply a matter of words to say that my father built up the armed forces. It is a fact. There are papers written in my father's own hand where he lays out in detail how the army should be organized and built up. So what objectives did my father have for the armed forces? Let me read to you one of them:

The armed forces are meant for this nation and this people, and it should be such a force having the honour and respect of the people. If instead the armed forces should come to be hated by the people, then the aims with which this army has been built up would have been in vain.

Let me speak frankly. I feel strong attachment for the armed forces. Not only were they built up by my father, as a child I was cared for by his soldiers. At the same time I am also aware of the great love and affection which the people have for my father. I am grateful for this love and affection. I would therefore not wish to see any splits and struggles between the army which my father built up and the people who love my father so much. May I also from this platform ask the personnel of the armed forces to reciprocate this kind of understanding and sympathy? May I appeal to the armed forces to become a force in which the people can place their trust and reliance. May the armed forces become one which will uphold the honour and dignity of our country.

For their part the people should try to forget what has already taken place, and I would like to appeal to them not to lose their affection for the army. We shall reach our goal of a strong and lasting Union only if we are all able to go forward in unity. We have not yet achieved this goal. Let us not be disunited. Therefore let us resolve to march forward in unity towards our cherished goal. In doing so please use peaceful means. If a people or a nation can reach their objectives by disciplined and peaceful means, it would be a most honourable and admirable achievement.

I have a few things to say about the students who have been at the forefront of this nationwide movement. The students are most able. They have already demonstrated their physical courage. I believe that they will now go on to demonstrate their moral and mental ability.  May  I  appeal  to the students  to continue  to march forward with the same kind of unity and resolve? At this moment there are a number of student groups. I would like these groups to come together as a unified body. I understand that they are soon going to call a conference for this purpose. Should this occasion arise may I pray that it will result in an entire cohesion and unity of the students.

Some students have asked me which politicians are standing behind me. They are apprehensive that such politicians might manipulate me and then take over the students. I am happy that the students have been so open and honest with me. Young people are frank and free from deviousness. I answered them truthfully. There are no politicians behind me. What I am trying to do is to help achieve the democratic system of government which the people want. For the achievement of this system, there are some veteran politicians who wish to help me in various ways. I have told such politicians that if their object is to obtain positions of political power for themselves, I would not support them in any way. Should these politicians try to obtain positions of political power I promise in front of this assembly of people that I myself will not hesitate to denounce them.

There is a sort of gulf between the older and younger generations. This gulf will have to be bridged. There is the feeling that the older and younger generations are quite apart from each other. This is something that should not happen. Whether young or old the entire people should be united.

The strength of the people is growing day by day. Such growing strength has to be controlled by discipline. Undisciplined strength or strength which is not in keeping with right principles can never lead to a beneficial fruition. It could lead to danger for many. Therefore please continue to use our strength in accordance with rightful principles. At this juncture when the people's strength is almost at is peak we should take extreme care not to oppress the weaker side. That is the kind of evil practice which would cause the people to lose their dignity and honour. The people should demonstrate clearly and distinctly their capacity to forgive.

If we are to examine what it is that we all desire, that is what the people really want at this time, the answer is multi-party democracy. We want to get rid of the one-party system. The President, Dr Maung Maung, has said that he is calling an emergency party congress to decide whether there should be a national referendum. So far as I am concerned I do not think it is necessary to have this referendum. The entire nation's desires and aspirations are very clear. There can be no doubt that everybody wants a multi-party democratic system of government. It is the duty of the present government to bring about such a system as soon as possible.

For the people's part they should continue to demonstrate for this through peaceful and disciplined means. May I emphasize again that we have not yet arrived at our cherished goal. Please think in advance of what should be done to bring about a firmly established Union. Please think of the country's future. Unless we consider the future of our country, the changes that are coming into being may not be able to achieve much benefit for the country. My father said there is a great need for the people to be disciplined and this cannot be repeated too often.

We do not need to have a referendum. What we do need is a multi-party system. It should be introduced as quickly as possible by means of free and fair elections. Conditions necessary for the holding of free and fair elections should be created throughout the country. The people have lost their confidence in the govern­ment of the day. If the holding of free and fair elections requires an interim government, such a forerunner should be created.

The main objective is not to have either the present form of government, nor an interim government, nor to have some other new government, but to have a government that can bring about a strong and prosperous Union of Burma. Please do not lose sight of the main objectives, nor forget the future welfare of the country. Should we lose sight of these, present victories will change to future failures.

What stage have we reached now? Well, our cherished aim is clearly within sight. Let us march forward together towards that goal. Let no divisions creep in. It is important that divisions of opinion should not arise among the students. There should be a complete restraint on creating such divisions. Therefore should differences arise between them now the country's future unity will be jeopardized.

While I am on the subject of unity may I speak for a while on the union of states of which Burma is composed. The different peoples of Burma should also remain united. The majority people of course remain the Burmese. They must strive with ever-increas­ing efforts to live in this accord and amity. Because the Burmese people form the biggest majority, they should make the greatest efforts to live in this accord and amity and to achieve that much needed unity and friendship among national racial groups.

Those who have the greater strength should show restraint and tolerance towards those who have less strength. Here I wish to say one thing regarding those people who are supporting the one-party system. The fact is many members of the Lanzin Party (Burma Socialist Programme Party) have themselves lost faith and confidence in their party. Such party members should resign from the Lanzin Party. They should hand in their party cards.

However, those who continue as members of the Lanzin Party out of conviction should not be molested. Democracy is an ideology that allows everyone to stand up according to his beliefs. They should not be threatened or endangered. Each one should go forward towards his own goal. Do not because of your greater strength be vengeful towards those who are of weaker strength.

We have gone far beyond the intended time, so I must cut this short. The final remark I wish to make is for our rally to maintain unity and discipline. Our strength should be used for the cause of what is right. Only by observing these requirements shall we be able to find our goal.

May the entire people be united and disciplined. May our people always do what is in complete accord with rightful principles. May the people be free from all harm.

To conclude I would like to reiterate our emphatic demands and protests, namely that we have no desire at all for a referendum, that the one-party system should be dismantled, that a multi­-party system of government should be established, and we call for free and fair elections to be arranged as quickly as possible. These are our demands.

相关链接

Friday, November 22, 2013

缅甸英雄:翁山淑枝与已故捷克总统哈维尔 Aung San Suu Kyi and Václav Havel (二之一)

民主有多遥远?

第27届东南亚运动会将在2013年12月11日至22日在缅甸举行。缅甸在1961年第一次主办东南亚运动会,事隔52年,缅甸从鱼米之乡经入军人统治,现在让人看到民主与重新整装待发的新希望,来临的东南亚运动会值得期待。

值得一提的是,2006年东南亚各国已经决定这一届运动会由新加坡主办,由于新加坡的新体育城建造工程延期,所以才由缅甸接手。

“缅”表示遥远,“甸”是郊外地方,所以在古代中国,“缅甸”是“遥远的郊外”。新加坡有整十万人来自这个遥远的郊外,他们经验过两地不同的生活,更深切感受到生命诚可贵,自由价更高的道理,也体会到“建立一个公正平等的民主社会,并为实现国家之幸福”是一个多么高贵,又似乎遥不可及的信念。与千千万万人一样,翁山淑枝(Aung San Suu Kyi)是英雄,是他们心目中的精神领袖

1945年在仰光出生的翁山淑枝,两岁时父亲翁山将军与英国谈判,争取缅甸独立,不幸被政敌暗杀。后来15岁的翁山淑枝跟随出任印度大使的母亲前往印度,19岁进入英国牛津大学圣休学院(St Hugh's College),主修经济、哲学与政治,并认识了她的丈夫Michael Aris,婚后在伦敦大学的亚非学院修毕博士课程。在国外生活经年,塑造了她的世界宏观。

1988年,为了照顾生病的母亲,43岁的翁山淑枝返回缅甸,Michael Aris也知道这是“分手”的时刻。这次回国后,直至20101113日,缅甸军政府才释放了被软禁20余年的翁山淑枝。


(翁山素枝与Michael Aris)

1988年翁山淑枝回缅甸那年,学生发起“8888民主运动”,争取民主的示威群众遭到军队血腥镇压,两百多名无辜民众在民运中遇难,恐怖气氛弥漫全国。很多受迫害的民众、激进分子和退役高级军官,要求翁山淑枝领导民主运动。

在巨大的国际压力下,军政府于1990年举行大选,翁山淑枝的政党“全国民主联盟”赢得了绝对优势。在正常情况下,她理应成为缅甸的总理,但军方指定由于翁山淑枝的丈夫是外国人,因此民盟也属于非法组织,选举结果被军方作废,军人拒绝交出政权,并软禁翁山淑枝。

2012529日军政府才允许翁山淑枝离开缅甸,邻国泰国是第一站。


2013922日翁山淑枝初访新加坡,网民将此访问卡通化。Source: seijeiga.blogspot.sg)

2013922日翁山淑枝初访新加坡,在圣淘沙名胜世界会议厅对5800缅甸侨民发表演说,一票难求,对现场的观众而言,翁山淑枝代表希望,是缅甸的未来。翁山淑枝也在新加坡管理大学(SMU)发表演说,认为应该修改宪法,让军人做军人该做的事,就像英国军人那般受人敬爱一样。有人提问花豹的斑纹能够抹得掉吗?翁山淑枝妙问妙答,说她要的是花豹回到森林里,继续维持美丽的斑纹与尊严:
It’s not that I want the leopard to change its spots. I just want the leopard to stay very beautiful and dignified in the jungle.

识英雄重英雄

在前来新加坡访问前,翁山淑枝参加了在捷克布拉格(Prague 举行的第十七届Societies In Transition 2000论坛(2013915-17日),她的演说为论坛掀开序幕。


翁山淑枝在第17届Societies In Transition 2000论坛(2013915-17日)演说。图片来源: Channel Newsasia

2000论坛由已故捷克总统哈维尔(Václav Havel1936 - 2011)首创,宗旨是通过非暴力来推动社会改革。哈维尔是一名文学家,也是一名政治家,他以“真相与友爱必定战胜谎言和仇恨”的座右铭,为和平推翻共产统治的斯洛伐克(1989)以及斯洛伐克独立后的捷克(1993)带来新气象。哈维尔以爱来化解仇恨的做法,显然跟翁山淑枝的佛学思想相近。

鲁迅对文艺与政治的矛盾与统一有独特的见解,他认为在改革的过程中,文艺与政治是统一的,文艺家与政治家是同路人,相辅相成。一旦政党掌权后,便会设法巩固政权,要文艺服务于政治,可是文艺却在不断地开拓真理,不断地批判与革新,形成了对立面。哈维尔则以行动来表示文艺与政治是可以统一的。2009年,也是哈维尔完成总统任期六年后,他撰写了一篇名为《难以预知的历史》的文章:

“我个人最近几十年来的经验使我坚信,今天最重要的即是要谦卑地看待世界,尊重我们所不理解的,接受世界上有许多奥秘我们永远也不会了解。在承认我们并不是全知全能、尤其是承认我们并不知道事物的结局的前提下承担我们的责任。其实我们是无知的。但是,没有人可以剥夺我们的希望。同时,没有惊讶的生活也是乏味的。”

2011年3月9日,哈维尔接受CNN访问时再度重申他一贯谦卑的立场,一旦经济的权益高于人民的价值,这将不利于文明的进展 (so long as economic interests are superior to human interests, the development of this civilization won't be good.)。对于能够给他人留下什么个人遗产,哈维尔认为个人的名气与声望都是过眼云烟,最主要的是能够做些有用的事。历史给予他这个机会(I would be glad if it was felt that I have done something generally useful. I don't care much about personal fame or popularity. I would be satisfied with the feeling that I had a chance to help with something in general, something good. That history gave me that chance.)。

(2003-2013年出任捷克总统的文学家哈维尔(Václav Havel)。图片来源:CNN

翁山淑枝同样为缅甸人民带来希望,她在论坛追忆哈维尔1991年被提名为诺贝尔和平奖候选人时竟然拒绝接受,坚决推选翁山淑枝取代他。在翁山淑枝被软禁的时期,每一届的2000论坛都留着空席给她!

两人识英雄重英雄,以个人的自由来为自己国家民族,以非暴力来争取自由民主法治人权。翁山淑枝这温柔但坚强的东方女性,默默失去几乎四分之一个世纪的自由!

相关链接

Friday, November 15, 2013

龙窑: 不止七十年的乡土文化 Dragon Kiln

陶艺是古老的行业,龙窑是个古意词,是早期烧制陶瓷器皿的做法。说到中国陶器,约在公元前3000年中国已有烧制陶器的穴窑,烧成温度可达1200°左右。商代(约公元前17世纪初~前11世纪)已经出现了烧成温度更高的半陶半瓷窑。

龙窑依山坡而建,跟地面成1020度斜角,有如一条沿着山势而上的长龙。龙窑分为窑头、窑床、窑尾三部分,窑头横断面小,便于开始烧窑时热量集中,容易燃烧。窑中部横断面最大,窑尾又缩小,拱顶成弧形,所采用的是空气对流的原理。龙窑以木柴为燃料,烧窑时远看好像一条火龙,所以称为龙窑。

据《景德镇陶瓷词典》介绍,早在2000多年前的战国时期,中国已经有龙窑,分布在潮州、福州、石湾、大浦等地。龙窑的容量特别大,一次可装烧的器物多达上万件。

现在普遍用的是电窑。我们结队参观陶光龙窑时的习作就是用电窑烧出来的。


(我们的陶艺习作。2012)

(涂上亮漆,在电窑烧制后的制成品。2012)

(为自己的杰作涂上色彩。2012)

新加坡的龙窑

座落在裕廊Lorong Tawas的陶光(1944年建立)是新加坡硕果仅存的两个龙窑之一,另一个是在陶光隔邻的源发(1958),目前由Focus Ceramic Services管理。龙窑在南洋理工大学校园外,周围的树林已经被新加坡首个洁净科技园(Clean Tech Park)取代。烧窑需要大量的木材,在这个环保商业园区制造污染,很不环保。在国家文物局争取下,土地管理局同意延长两个龙窑的临时准证,在2014年到期后延续三年,过后再酌情商议,每个租期为三年,直至2023年。

新加坡的龙窑多数建于1940年代,虽然新加坡第一个龙窑在日战期间才落成,但早在19世纪初,华人先民已经从家乡将这门历史悠久的传统工艺带到新加坡。1945年,日本宣布无条件投降,战后物质短缺,包括大量的日用陶瓷器。以往从潮州出口的陶瓷线路因战争中断多时,短时间内难以恢复,来自陶瓷之都枫溪的商人掌握良机,在新加坡建立超过三十个龙窑,分布在裕廊、德光岛、乌敏岛和实龙岗。龙窑每七至十天就会烧制一次,生意一片火红。到了1960年代,人民行动党政府大刀阔斧,以愚公移山的精神铲平小山丘建屋子,龙窑日渐减少。


(战后这类陶器由本地龙窑烧制)

新加坡档案馆收集了两位本地龙窑业主的口述历史:陶光的陈德育和三美光的蔡应绍。

陶光龙窑由枫溪人创建, 1965年由现任窑主陈德育的父亲买过来。同样祖籍枫溪的陈德育读小三时跟着父亲从马来西亚来到新加坡:我爸在十多岁时他就来到马来西亚,来到我叔伯的工厂做工,然后来到新加坡找到这条龙窑,这条龙在新加坡要拍卖给别人,他觉得是一个机会,他也有一个理想,想要有一条属于自己的龙窑,所以就买下来。

1960年代新马大量生产橡胶,陶光以生产胶杯为主,供应给胶园。1970年代新加坡以胡姬花为国花,国人开始种植胡姬,陶光转制胡姬花盆,在两个年代间以一杯一盆养活一村人。

除了燃料问题,龙窑烧制的简单瓷器如今也缺乏市场,所以陈德育决定改变龙窑的功能,成为陶艺工作者从事创作、烧制和开班授课活动场所。目前,新加坡一些陶艺工作者也希望新加坡能把龙窑作为本地文化遗产之一加以保留。此外,一些旅行社也会安排外国旅客到仅存的两条龙窑参观,这或许将使新加坡龙窑得以长存。


(陶瓷艺术家刘定光以灵巧的双手示范花瓶的制作。2012)

(刘定光只花了五分钟的制成品,真是台上一分钟,台下十年功。2012)

要制造品质好又耐久的陶器,土质是非常重要的,三年前在陶光设立工作室的陶瓷艺术家刘定光告诉我们裕廊的土质特别好,又可借用斜度适中的山势来造窑,所以1970年代新加坡剩下的约十条龙窑,多集中在裕廊。由于不同地点的陶土含有不同的矿物质,所以裕廊龙窑多数生产胶杯,实龙岗龙窑则多数生产水缸。这番解说,为我们解开了为什么当年裕廊被称为‘瓦窑村’的疑团。


陶瓷艺术家刘定光告诉我们裕廊的土质特别好,又可借用斜度适中的山势来造窑,所以1970年代新加坡剩下的约十条龙窑,多集中在裕廊。2012

(走入龙腹。2012)

蔡应绍的三美光陶艺(Sam Mui Kuang)就靠自己的龙窑来供应货源。根据蔡应绍的口述历史,Jalan Hwi Yoh (惹兰缶窑)的龙窑是在日战期间改建的,投资36,000元,将原来的25米长的‘蛇窑’改建成50米的龙窑,当时动用12名工人,约8个月时间建成,是本地最早的龙窑,每隔十天就开窑烧制三四千件陶器。龙窑需要18小时才能达到理想的温度,烧完后需要12小时才能冷却下来。惹兰缶窑中的缶指的是瓦器,窑则是烧瓦的火灶,惹兰缶窑因为龙窑而得名。

1980年代,新加坡只剩下三个龙窑:三美光、陶光、源发,但只有三美光还在生产。1986年,政府收购惹兰缶窑的土地,准备在原址兴建多层楼JTC工厂。当时的文化遗产委员会认为三美光龙窑应该被优先考虑保留。经过一番交涉后,政府列出两个条件:第一,必须控制环境污染的问题,每次烧窑约一个星期,每个月烧三次的次数过于频繁,有必要防范烧窑所带来的空气污染;第二,当时三美光所缴付的月租只是区区$50,从1990年起,业主必须以$12,000的市价来租下那个地方。在昂贵的租费下,1994121日,本地最古老的龙窑终于下画。

(在陶光龙窑前留影。2012)

古代中国经历了改朝换代的常态,始终吹不熄民间的窑灶和陶器,人间生计因窑火而延绵不绝,海上丝绸之路经过东南亚,也曾在新加坡河与皇家山留下多少龙窑烙印。陶艺人生持续数千年而未老,但在现代化的短短进程中却迅速衰老了。

相关链接
龙牙门与早期华人
青山不老福康宁 Fort Canning
淡马锡,环顾迷城
失落的西贡岛 Pulau Saigon - the lost island